Cf. also lokˈu 'non singular marker of individuated referents' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 474]ː [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79]).

    A second candidate is iʔal ~ al 'all (Indonesian: semua)' [Baird 2008: 204]. But the available examples at, this field is for all (al) of us to play on" [Baird 2008: 133], "then his basket fell, and him, and his bike, everything (iʔal) fell" [Baird 2rather point to the non-attributive meaning: "I'm showing all (iʔal) of these she owns/of hers" [Baird 2008: 92], "so that we all (al) know and we all listen" [Baird 2008: 131], "We all (al) helped clear this field, so play don't fight" [Baird 2008: 133], "don't be like th008: 139], "my legs and arms were all (iʔal) shaking uncontrollably" [Baird 2008: 156].

    Other candidates are maːŋ ~ me=maːŋ 'all (Indonesian: semua)' [Baird 2008: 210] and hǝboh 'all (Indonesian: seluruh)' [Baird 2008: 200] - both without textual examples.

    Makadai Abui: ar-ˈu-y Stokhof 1975: 54 (#76). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ad-u-r 'ashes' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#76)].

    The expression batˈaː kˈul, literally 'tree's skin', can also be used for 'bark' (as, e.g., in the example "the tree bark is very compact" [Kratochvíl 2007: 495]) - borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin', kulit pohon 'bark' (literally 'tree's skin').

    Cf. abok 'tree bark' quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 96 (#12), 156], but this word can denote some special kind of bark.

    Cf. also ka 'bark cloth (i.e. cloth made of bark)' in ka munuma 'white bark cloth', ka but ka 'red bark cloth', ka mal ka 'coastal bark cloth' [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#598)].

    A second expression for 'bark' is ete=wak [Baird 2008: 196], literally 'hug of tree' with wak 'hug' [Baird 2008: 226] (a reduced form of expected **eteʔ=wak). We treat both compounds as synonyms.

    poss=kˈin, glossed as 'stomach' ("I have eaten enough", lit. 'my stomach is pulled out') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 70, 244];

    poss=tebˈak, glossed as 'stomach' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 123, 244];

    poss=tˈoːk, glossed as 'intestine, stomach' ("I feel sick", lit. 'my intestines hurt me'; "I am hungry", lit. 'my intestines are hungry'; "I am not hungry anymore", lit. 'my stomach is tight') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 129, 244], [Kratochvíl 2007: 461].

    The difference between these four terms is unclear. Tentatively we fill the slot by ʔatˈey, which is glossed as 'belly' in our sources.

    Makadai Abui: tˈok Stokhof 1975: 54 (#23). The same term as in Abui Atimelang.

    Cf. also tebak which is quoted in [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#54)] as a synonym of tok-e 'belly'.

    Paneia Klon: bet, quoted in the slot 'stomach' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#23)].

    Makadai Abui: fˈok-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#77). The same term.

    Cf. also lˈeya quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#77)] as a synonym of fˈok-a, this word is also attested in wa witi leya 'to smile' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#165)] (wa 'mouth', witi ~ weti 'tooth').

    Distinct from tǝmok 'big (Indonesian: besar)' [Baird 2008: 222], the semantic nuances are unknown, no examples found. Additionally, the Indonesian loanword besar 'big' is attested [Baird 2008: 230].

    Paneia Klon: ʔal 'big' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#77)]. However, in [Baird 2008: 228], the specific Paneia word for 'big (Indonesian: besar)' is quoted as alta (suffixed stem al-ta?).

    Cf. also ruwˈol, glossed as 'chicken, bird' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 490], but only as 'chicken' in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 112].

    Makadai Abui: kˈuyaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#47). The same term. Distinct from ruwˈal 'chicken' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#46)].

    Cf. also an unclear arok in arok berka 'birds of prey' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#841)] (berka 'bad').

    Paneia Klon: hiʔ, polysemy: 'chicken / bird' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#47)].

    Cf. also two other verbs: bisak-d-a and hek-e, which are quoted in [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#135)] as synonyms of take; the first one may be cognate with Abui Takalelang sak 'to be cracked, split parallel', sak-d-i 'to loosen, unfix, break, crack up' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113] (although the initial bi- is unclear).

    The second verb is kik 'to bite (Indonesian: gigit)' [Baird 2008: 206], but, apparently, it is more marginal; no examples have been found.

    Makadai Abui: akˈan-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#78). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: akan 'black' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#78)]. Distinct, however, from ilkan 'night' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#102)] (an error?).

    Makadai Abui: we Stokhof 1975: 54 (#79). The same term.

    Cf. also an unclear walna 'blood' in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#79)].

    Paneia Klon: weh 'blood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#79)].

    Makadai Abui: tˈaypaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#80). The same term.

    A second term for 'bone' is simply tor [Baird 2008: 223]. Because of this, we analyze tǝrop as tǝr-op (with regular reduction o > ǝ in the unstressed position), although the second element -op is unclear.

    Paneia Klon: tar-op 'bone' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#80)].

    Cf. also poss=rˈek ~ poss=rˈek-d-i 'ribs, chest; turned with the chest upwards, face up' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 109] (glossed as 'chest; to turn with the chest upwards' with the transcription [rɛɑk] in [Kratochvíl 2007: 488]).

    Cf. two terms with the probable meaning 'female breast': tˈik 'breast' with examples for 'female breast' only ([Kratochvíl 2007: 496]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 125]) and kodˈaŋ 'breast', the only example for which ("her breast") also speaks for the meaning 'female breast' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 470]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 71]).

    Makadai Abui: rˈayhiyˈeŋ [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#21)]. The same term. Cf. tˈik 'female breast' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#22)].

    Cf. also terms for 'female breast': tik [Nicolspeyer 1940: 177] (glossed as 'breast; milk'), tik-e [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#44)], tˈuk [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#22)] (a typo again?).

    Distinct from duːt with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Baird 2008: 194; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#22)].

    Paneia Klon: der 'breast (general or male)' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#21)]. Distinct from dut 'female breast' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#22)].

    Distinct from peːʔ [Baird 2008: 217], which is glossed as 'to burn', but the Indonesian gloss 'membakar' suggests a specific meaning such as 'to set smth. on fire'. Cf. the example: "The people that just burnt the village, they were all killed" [Baird 2008: 184].

    Makadai Abui: kˈuysiŋ [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#100)]. The same term. Quoted as a translation of the English entry 'nail / claw'.

    Abui Fanating: Cf. quite a different term kˈafì 'claw' [Kratochvíl 2007: 61].

    Distinct from kǝbeːr 'claw / to scratch' [Baird 2008: 205].

    Paneia Klon: kux, quoted in the slot 'nail / claw' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#100)].

    Makadai Abui: tabˈoʔ [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#81)]. The same term.

    Distinct from the terms for 'fog': bon-tui [Baird 2008: 191], boŋ-hep [Baird 2008: 23], where bon means 'smoke' q.v.

    Paneia Klon: bon-tu 'cloud' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#81)], corresponds to Bring bon-tui 'fog'.

    Makadai Abui: kafˈuka [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#82)]. A different term (without obvious cognates in other dialects).

    Paneia Klon: kabuk 'cold' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#82)].

    Makadai Abui: tiyˈay [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#83)]. A different term, corresponds to Abui Atimelang tia, tiey, ti '(verb of motion)'.

    The data from [DuBois 1938/1987] can be summarized as follows: 'to walk' lak(e) [88 (#145)], 'to go' lak(e), sa [96 (#1279)], 'to come' lak, sa [96 (#1283)], 'to arrive' mia (ho-po-mia) [96 (#1284)], 'to depart' lak [96 (#1286)].

    However, in [DuBois 1944: 564 (#60)] we is translated as 'to go (toward smb.)'.

    The data of [Nicolspeyer 1940] are: sa, sa-d-i 'to go' [174], tia, tiey, ti 'to go, come (intr.); follow smb. (tr.)' [177], we 'to go, to depart, leave for' [179].

    These Abui Atimelang verbs are cognate to the following Abui Takalelang words: lˈàk 'to leave for (towards a deictic centre)' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 75], wˈe 'to leave, go away' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138], sˈay 'to pass along' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113], tˈay 'to pass along' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 113 sub sai].

    Cf. some examples for ma 'to come': "John came and stayed" [Baird 2008: 36], "Joni came and saw Peter" [Baird 2008: 37], "So, true, his wife she came, and was told" [Baird 2008: 61], "So I come here and we stab you first and I come to you here" [Baird 2008: 72], "the ancestor Hingkoi and his children together they came maybe" [Baird 2008: 79], "Karel you also come so that I show you" [Baird 2008: 96], "Deer and pig came, I was scared, I climbed a tree" [Baird 2008: 31], "So it came that (he) grew up and then he took a wife" [Baird 2008: 67].

    Cf. some examples for ʔad 'to come': "Two nights ago Mr Official M.U. came looking for us" [Baird 2008: 32], "you children of now come and you know and you hear" [Baird 2008: 51], "We come to you and you go to help us" [Baird 2008: 74], "The three of them came, those three anchored then they got up" [Baird 2008: 79], "The ruler called them [the women] so the women came" [Baird 2008: 80], "So our leaders came and met us" [Baird 2008: 83], "Now of you here who still hasn't come yet?" [Baird 2008: 113], "the deer came through the forest. (It) came so (I) held this bow and arrow to shoot it" [Baird 2008: 37], "so birds will come and sit on it" [Baird 2008: 53], "then we burn until the rains come" [Baird 2008: 111].

    We treat ma and ʔad as synonyms.

    Paneia Klon: ma 'to come' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#83)].

    Cf. also malay-d-ˈa 'to perish, wane, die' (place of stress is strange) from mal-ˈa-y 'causing death, deadly; to be dead, be bewailed' [Kratochvíl 2007: 476], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 83], probably ← mal 'to cry'.

    Cf. also bˈeːk-a-d-i 'to pass away, die' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 37] from the root bˈeːk 'bad, broken, corrupt, outrageous, extraordinary' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36] (quoted as bek, bek-a-d-i in [Kratochvíl 2007: 454]).

    Makadai Abui: mon-ˈi Stokhof 1975: 54 (#84) (quoted as mɔɔnˈi). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: a=ber, quoted in the slot 'dead / to die' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#84)].

    Makadai Abui: kay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#85). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: kur 'dog' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#85)].

    Makadai Abui: but Stokhof 1975: 54 (#58). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: na 'to drink' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#58)].

    Makadai Abui: tak-ˈa-t-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#86) (as takˈattɑ). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: tǝk-a-t 'dry' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#86)].

    Makadai Abui: wˈey Stokhof 1975: 54 (#5). The same term. Quoted as nawˈeyʔatˈa 'ear', i.e. na=wey-ʔata 'my ear leaf', 'my auricle'.

    Paneia Klon: wir 'ear' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#5)].

    Makadai Abui: anˈay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#94). The same term. Quoted as a translation of Eng. 'ground'.

    Abui Aila: ʔanˈey 'soil, earth / clay / ground' [Kratochvíl 2007: 450], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28, 210]. The same term.

    Cf. also tak-a-t-a 'land' (i.e. 'dry' q.v.) [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#942)] and mok 'soil, sand' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170].

    We provisionally interpret bulǝya as 'Earth, world', but consider mǝkei ~ mǝkeʔ and mǝlei as synonyms for 'soil'.

    Paneia Klon: cf. makeʔ, quoted in the slot 'ground' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#94)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.

    Makadai Abui: ne-y Stokhof 1975: 54 (#57). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: mahak 'to eat' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#57)].

    Another term is probably retained in poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?) [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 127].

    Makadai Abui: toʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#48). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang poss=to 'male genitals' (i.e. testicles?).

    Paneia Klon: idaŋ 'egg' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#48)].

    Makadai Abui: iyaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#6). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: en 'eye' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#6)].

    Makadai Abui: fˈoka Stokhof 1975: 54 (#93). The term lacks obvious cognates in other dialects (suspiciously resembles fok-a 'to be big' q.v.).

    Distinct from mǝkuːn [Baird 2008: 212; Stokhof 1975: 48 (#93)], glossed as 'fat', but its Indonesian gloss 'gemuk' could suggest an adjectival meaning.

    Paneia Klon: tam-a-t, quoted in the slot 'grease' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#93)]; cf. mokun in the same source, which probably means 'fat (adj.)'.

    Makadai Abui: ar-ˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#39). Polysemy: 'fire / firewood'. The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ad-waer, quoted for the slot 'fire / firewood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#39)]; apparently it denotes 'firewood'.

    Makadai Abui: ʔafˈu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#40). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: eːb 'fish' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#40)].

    Makadai Abui: li Stokhof 1975: 54 (#87) (as lii). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: lir 'to fly' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#87)].

    Makadai Abui: tˈokuʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#27). The same term. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'.

    An interesting case. In [Baird 2008: 194, 220], two words, possr=e and tak, are quoted with the gloss 'leg (Indonesian: kaki)'. Apparently, both of them demonstrate the polysemy 'foot / leg' that is typical for that region. As explained in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], the difference between them is that possr=e is inalienably possessed, whereas tak is alienably possessed (there are different sets of inalienable and alienable possessive proclitic pronouns in Klon). A second lexical pair of a similar kind, quoted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.], is possr=to and kǝdeh 'head' q.v.

    Following general reasoning, one could suppose that inalienable possr=e 'foot / leg' and possr=to 'head' are the default expressions for the corresponding anatomic meanings, whereas the alienable lexemes tak 'foot / leg' and kǝdeh 'head' might be suspected to have some specific semantic nuances. This seems true for 'head' q.v., but the situation with 'foot / leg' is less obvious.

    The following examples for possr=e 'foot / leg' have been found, all of them with the anatomic meaning: "we covered our legs in cloth" [Baird 2008: 60], "the dog just licked his legs and his arms" [Baird 2008: 82], "their (i.e., birds') legs are covered in sap" [Baird 2008: 53].

    On the contrary, only one example for tak 'foot / leg' with the anatomic meaning has been found: "It saw us and I shook, my legs and arms were all shaking uncontrollably" [Baird 2008: 156]; additionally tak is used in the fixed expression for 'big toe', literally 'thumb of tak' [Baird 2008: 118, 185]. Two other examples illustrate the metaphoric technical meaning of tak: "One of the posts (tak) of the storehouse is smaller (than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "table-leg" [Baird 2008: 91].

    The aforementioned passages can indicate that possr=e 'foot / leg' is the default anatomic term. However, in Stokhof's list it is tak, not possr=e that is quoted as the Bring word for 'foot/leg'. Because of this, we are forced to treat possr=e and tak as synonyms in our list.

    Paneia Klon: tak, quoted in the slot 'foot / leg' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#27)].

    1) mi 'to fill (Indonesian: isi)' [Baird 2008: 211], the example is "she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102].

    2) kin 'full (Indonesian: kenyang)' [Baird 2008: 206], the example is "we eat until our stomachs are full" [Baird 2008: 147].

    We are forced to treat mi and kin as synonyms.

    Cf. also two additional candidates:

    3) anaː 'to fill (Indonesian: kasih penuh)' [Baird 2008: 189].

    4) gǝlip 'to fill (Indonesian: numpang, kasih penuh)' [Baird 2008: 198]

    The word bal is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 190], but its Indonesian gloss 'purnama' suggests the actual meaning 'full moon'. Similarly, hid is glossed as 'full' in [Baird 2008: 200], but the Indonesian gloss 'sesak' suggests the actual meaning 'crowded, packed'.

    Makadai Abui: =d Stokhof 1975: 54 (#90). Quoted as dɑminˈɛdɛ 'he gives me', i.e. da=mi=nˈe=d-e, where di = 3actor, mi = 'to take', ne = 1sg.loc. A different term, corresponding to Abui Atimelang =d 'to give'.

    On the contrary, [DuBois 1938/1987] and [Nicolspeyer 1940] quote the verb =d for 'to give (to)': (mi)hede [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1176)], mihedi [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170], i.e. mi=he=d-e 'to give him', where mi = 'to take', he = 3loc.

    We take both =l / =r and =d as synonyms.

    Paneia Klon: =en 'to give' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#90)].

    Makadai Abui: kaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#92). The same term.

    A second candidate is tǝmai ~ en=tǝmai, also glossed as generic 'good (Indonesian: baik)' in [Baird 2008: 222]. Apparently this is a more marginal term, no examples have been found.

    Paneia Klon: mu=nok 'good' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#92)]; the initial element is unclear.

    Apparently the same term is also represented as buloŋ-ˈa-y 'to be blue, green' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 456]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 42]; the only example for this word is "green algae" [Kratochvíl 2007: 450]), but the sound mutation is unclear.

    Cf. also ʔamˈur ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28, 217]), which apparently means 'body hair, fur / feathers (q.v.)'; the meaning 'body hair, fur' is glossed as 'hairs' in [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], the only example found: "eyebrow", lit. 'eye hair' [Kratochvíl 2007: 143].

    Makadai Abui: pikˈay batˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#4). The same term.

    Cf. also amuri with the polysemy 'body hair, fur / feather' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#787)]; the same term is used in iyaŋ amuri 'eyelashes' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#13)] (iyaŋ 'eye' q.v.) and waʔ muri 'moustache, beard' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#27, 30)] (wa 'mouth' q.v.).

    Paneia Klon: kelor 'hair' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#4)]. Apparently the same term as Bring kǝrid.

    Makadai Abui: tˈaŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#28). The same term. Quoted as a translation of the English entry 'hand / arm'.

    Paneia Klon: taŋ, quoted in the slot 'hand / arm' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#28)].

    Makadai Abui: pi=kˈay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#2). The same term.

    As in the case of 'foot' q.v., there are two terms denoting 'head': inalienable possr=to [Baird 2008: 223] and alienable kǝdeh [Baird 2008: 205] (see [Baird 2008: 91 f.] for some detail). It is likely that possr=to is actually the default term for 'human head' in Bring Klon, whereas kǝdeh mostly refers to 'animal head' or 'deadman's head'.

    The following examples for possr=to 'head' have been found: "we ... wrapped our heads in cloth and continued to sleep" [Baird 2008: 60], "he ... rubbed his (i.e., deadman's) head (with officinal leaves)" [Baird 2008: 177], "now they were sleepy, but they had their heads searched (for lice) first" [Baird 2008: 185], to kǝrid 'head hair' with kǝrid 'hair' [Baird 2008: 120].

    The examples for kǝdeh 'head' are: "Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses" [Baird 2008: 158], "they ... rubbed it (i.e., officinal leaves) in its (i.e., dead dog's) head" [Baird 2008: 176]. The latter passage with kǝdeh nicely contrasts with the parallel aforesaid passage from the same story, where "deadman's head" (possr=to) is mentioned. Additionally, the derived verb u=kǝdeh 'to lead, to head' is also attested [Baird 2008: 40, 100].

    Information from [Stokhof 1975] confirms that possr=to is the basic word in the Bring dialect (this is not so for the Paneia dialect, see below). As for kǝdeh, it is noted in [Baird 2008: 91 f.] that kǝdeh can refer to 'head' as a trophy in head-hunting campaigns, which supports our solution.

    Paneia Klon: the compound ih-kǝda 'head' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#2)], literally 'head (kǝda) of body (ih)'.

    Cf. also fˈaːl-i-ŋ / fˈaːl-i-n 'to listen (to)' [Kratochvíl 2007: 460], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 48].

    Distinct from u=wǝrep 'to listen' [Baird 2008: 225].

    Available sources quote two terms:

    1) wata kupi 'heart' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#52)], the meaning of the elements is uncertain, cf. Abui Takalelang wata '1. coconut; 2. neck (q.v.)' and kupˈil 'to be round' (q.v.).

    2) om-i, quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170] as mi 'inside, heart'. In fact, browsing through Nicolspeyer's Abui texts demonstrates that this substantive is always used with possessive proclitics with the o-vowel, like homi 'their hearts' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 79], homi 'his inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 108], romi 'your (2 pl.) inside' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 93] and so on. These forms cannot be analyzed as ho=mi, ro=mi, but rather as h=omi, r=omi, etc. (< *he/ha=omi, *re/ra=omi, see [Kratochvíl 2007: 63] for such a vowel contraction in Abui Takalelang). The same term is attested in wa h=omi 'interior part of the mouth' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#24)] (wa 'mouth'), tuku h=omi 'sole of the foot' (tuku 'foot plus lowerleg') [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#87)], h=om kiele 'heart of the tree' [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#741)] (the second element kiele is unclear).

    We treat both words as synonyms.

    A second candidate is hǝla [Baird 2008: 201], but since hǝla is glossed with polysemy: 'heart (Indonesian: jantung) / intestines', it is likely that its basic meaning is just 'intestines'.

    Makadai Abui: na Stokhof 1975: 54 (#115). The same term.

    The verb mˈoŋ / mˈón 'to die' q.v. can also express the meaning 'to kill' in serial constructions with ʔˈoŋ 'to make' or with fˈeŋ / fˈen ("kill it (dog)", "he killed his sister", literally "he made his sister die") [Kratochvíl 2007: 228, 375].

    Cf. wˈak 'back knee' [Kratochvíl 2007: 501], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 137].

    Makadai Abui: bˈabu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#95). Apparently an allegro contraction of *bala buku 'knee joint' (cf. notes on the Abui Atimelang entry).

    Cf. wak-e 'back of the knee' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#92)].

    Paneia Klon: uk 'knee' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#95)].

    Cf. also related terms: wˈa 'foliage' [Kratochvíl 2007: 500], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 135], talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121], wa-talˈa 'leaves' [Kratochvíl 2007: 494], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 121] (a compound of wˈa and talˈa), pitˈiŋ 'broad leaf' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 105], kalˈey 'leaves, long flat leaves of a plant used for different purposes' [Kratochvíl 2007: 467], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 64].

    Makadai Abui: tˈala Stokhof 1975: 54 (#96). A different term. Can it be a mistaken word for 'leaves' instead of a term for 'a leaf'?

    In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#746)] and [Nicolspeyer 1940: 175] the word tala is quoted for 'leaf', although it seems to be a mistake: tala probably denotes collective 'leaves' in this dialect, not 'a leaf' (it seems that in Nicolspeyer's text all occurences of tala must be translated as plural 'leaves').

    Paneia Klon: way 'leaf' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#96)].

    Cf. also ʔˈit 'to lie' applied to inanimate subjects only [Kratochvíl 2007: 465], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60].

    Distinct from reyake 'to lie supine' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#146)] and lasoka 'to lie prone' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#147)].

    Actually, there are two words glossed as 'liver (Indonesian: hati)' in [Baird 2008]: nǝbur and oːmi. We are forced to treat them as synonyms.

    Cf. also loŋ 'to be long, lengthy, stretched out' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474] (with an example: ha=wata loŋ "His neck [ha=wata] is long"), however, this translation of loŋ has been changed to 'wounds, injure' in [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79] with an example: ha=wata loŋ namu "His neck [ha=wata] is all in wounds", although it is, in fact, namu that means 'wound; wounded' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 94] in this phrase. Abui loŋ 'to be long (spatial)', if exists, resembles English long, although there is no such term in Tok Pisin.

    Distinct from luŋ-a 'to be long (temporal)', which is surprisingly missing from the dictionaries [Kratochvíl 2007] & [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008], but is quoted in [Kratochvíl 2007: 433 ex. 48].

    Makadai Abui: lˈoh-iʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#97). The same term.

    Distinct from luŋ-a 'to be long (temporal)' [DuBois 1938/1987: 94 (#1064)] (as luŋaʔ).

    A second candidate is odol, glossed as 'tall / long' in [Baird 2008: 215]. Due to this particular sequencing of meanings, we suppose that 'tall' is the primary meaning of odol.

    Distinct from the temporal adverb mǝ=lung 'long time (Indonesian: lama)' [Baird 2008: 212], the fossilized form of the verb lung 'to be long (temporal)', modified with the "applicative" prefix [Baird 2008: 27].

    Paneia Klon: laŋ 'long' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#97)].

    Distinct from rimˈol 'animal flea' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 110]

    Makadai Abui: bikˈeŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#98). The same term.

    Distinct from be 'body louse' [DuBois 1938/1987: 92 (#868)] (as beʔ).

    In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 158] be is translated as 'louse' (unspecified) and bikeŋ is translated as 'flea' (i.e. 'animal flea'?).

    A second candidate is or, which is also glossed as 'louse (Indonesian: kutu)' in [Baird 2008: 216], but without examples. It is likely that or actually means 'flea' (no proper terms for 'flea' are documented for Klon, whereas Indonesian kutu may denote both lice and fleas).

    Paneia Klon: akuyn 'louse' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#98)].

    Makadai Abui: neŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#31). The same term.

    Distinct from keːk 'male (animal)' [Baird 2008: 206].

    Paneia Klon: anim-oh, quoted in the slot 'man / male' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#31)]. A compound, whose first element is also attested in anim-ar 'woman' q.v.

    Cf. also the reduplicated form beːk-a-bˈeːk-a-d-i 'to become many, much, exceed' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 37] (quoted with short e-s in [Kratochvíl 2007: 454]) with an example: "He hit canari nuts to drop and so there were many canari nuts (on the ground under the tree)".

    Out of several words glossed as 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' in [Baird 2008], ubei ~ obei ~ obei-bei is exemplified best of all. Because of this, we chose ubei ~ obei ~ obei-bei as the default expressions for 'many' (actually with polysemy: 'many / much'). The following examples have been found: "there were very (nah) many (ubey) planks of wood placed there" [Baird 2008: 34], "that's enough, don't take a lot (obey)" [Baird 2008: 171], "we've already carried the lesser amount of his wood, the most (ubey) not yet" [Baird 2008: 88].

    A second candidate is geŋ-gǝnok ~ gen-gǝnok 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 198] with the only example: "there were a lot of us, and we walked together" [Baird 2008: 39].

    Cf. other related words, but without examples: bar 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 190], idob 'much (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 203] and kar with interesting polysemy 'ten / many' [Baird 2008: 205]

    Paneia Klon: rial 'many (Indonesian: banyak)' [Baird 2008: 228]; it is, however, unclear whether rial is the basic Paneia expression for this meaning.

    Cf. also a more specific term: fˈoːla 'flesh, raw boneless meat' [Kratochvíl 2007: 462], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 54].

    Makadai Abui: makˈitiŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#99). The same term. An error for *mahˈitiŋ?

    Distinct from fola 'human flesh' [DuBois 1938/1987: 88 (#117)].

    Distinct from put, glossed as 'flesh (Indonesian: daging)' [Baird 2008: 218] (probably 'human flesh' is mentioned).

    Paneia Klon: mihil 'meat' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#99)].

    Makadai Abui: ʔiyˈa Stokhof 1975: 54 (#51). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ur 'moon' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#51)].

    Distinct from lˈoːma 'hill, slope' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79], bukit 'hill' [Kratochvíl 2007: 456] (< Indonesian bukit 'hill') and bukˈu 'land, area, country, world' [Kratochvíl 2007: 456], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 41].

    Makadai Abui: bukˈu dalˈela Stokhof 1975: 54 (#54). A different term. Literally 'area' + 'to be high'. The word bukˈu also means 'island' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#53)].

    The sources vary. As in some other such cases, we prefer to follow Stokhof's data. DuBois' translations could to be the result of various misunderstanding: buku 'island / mountain' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#944, 947)], [DuBois 1944: 564 (#20)], loma 'mountain / slope' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#947)] (a synonym of buku) and buku kediŋ 'hill', lit. 'small buku' [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#948)].

    Distinct from buk 'island / hill' [Baird 2008: 230], hek 'island' [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#53)].

    Paneia Klon: buk, with polysemy: 'mountain / island' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#54)].

    Makadai Abui: wˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#12). The same term.

    There is a second word for 'mouth' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 159]: dah (quoted as daug) 'mouth', dah-lok 'to rinse mouth' (as dauglok; with luok, lok 'to rinse' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 169]). In Nicolspeyer's texts I have only managed to locate the latter word - dahlok (dauglok), which is not clear morphologically, but it is hardly justified to postulate a second term for 'mouth' in such a situation.

    Paneia Klon: ad 'mouth' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#12)].

    Makadai Abui: nˈeʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#30). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: nih 'name' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#30)].

    Both dictionaries quote two terms for 'neck' without semantic specification: poss=watˈa [Kratochvíl 2007: 502], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 138, 227] and poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa [Kratochvíl 2007: 487], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 107, 227].

    Examples for poss=watˈa are more numerous and significant: "the top (lit.: neck) of that tree is bent and comes down towards the west" [Kratochvíl 2007: 149], "the top (lit.: neck) of the tree is leaned away" [Kratochvíl 2007: 495], "when our necks become long and short, you may not become scared" [Kratochvíl 2007: 214], "his neck is long, tall" [Kratochvíl 2007: 470], "his neck is all in wounds" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79].

    On the contrary, the underlying meaning of poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa 'neck; greedy' is rather 'throat', not 'neck in general', cf.: "Adam's apple" (lit.: 'kernel of the neck') [Kratochvíl 2007: 487]; "some food got stuck in his throat" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 67], although cf. also "he took a knife and cut off chicken neck" [Kratochvíl 2007: 503]. This word is occasionally translated as 'throat' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 143]. Phonetically it resembles Indonesian leher 'neck'.

    Makadai Abui: rˈala Stokhof 1975: 54 (#20). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang poss=rˈaːla ~ poss=rahalˈa 'throat' and Abui Atimelang rolˈa 'neck'.

    Distinct from wata 'throat' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 179] and akiŋ tila 'throat' [DuBois 1938/1987: 87 (#37)] (the meaning of the elements is unclear).

    The second candidate is dǝloŋ glossed as 'neck (Indonesian: batang leher)' [Baird 2008: 193], but without textual examples.

    Paneia Klon: dǝloŋ 'neck' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#20)].

    Makadai Abui: fih-ˈa Stokhof 1975: 54 (#101). A different term, corresponding to Abui Atimelang fˈih-a ~ fi-a 'new'.

    Cf. also the loanword mulai 'new' [Baird 2008: 234] < Indonesian mulai 'to begin, to start'.

    Paneia Klon: haba 'new' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#101)].

    Makadai Abui: tˈun-tama Stokhof 1975: 54 (#102). The same term.

    On the contrary, in [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#102)] 'night' is translated as akˈuni; the word akun-i normally means 'to be dark' [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1403)], cf. its Abui Takalelang counterpart ʔakˈuŋ / ʔakˈun 'to be(come) dark, darken'.

    Paneia Klon: ilkan 'night' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#102)] (an error?). Cf. akan 'black' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#78)].

    Distinct from biyˈek 'nasi, nose tip' [Kratochvíl 2007: 454], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 37].

    Makadai Abui: mˈin Stokhof 1975: 54 (#8). The same term. Cf. mˈin-tikˈala 'nostril', lit. 'nose's hole' [Stokhof 1975: 54 (#9)].

    In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#8, 9)] 'nose' is translated as muŋ-fˈal and 'nostril' as mun-tikˈala (lit. 'hole of the mun/muŋ'). Stokhof's mun/muŋ represents the Common Abui term min (with vowel labialization in contact with a labial, cf. the same effect in fur 'star' q.v., etc.), but the second element fal is obscure.

    Paneia Klon: muyŋ 'nose' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#8)].

    Cf. the prohibitive particle hˈeʔ 'don't' and the particle of negative answer dˈoːma 'no, don't' [Kratochvíl 2007: 278, 279], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 46, 57].

    Cf. also the particle bey, which can accompany the main negation naha [Nicolspeyer 1940: 171], [Stokhof 1984: 143], the prohibitive particle he 'don't' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 163] and the word doma glossed as 'impossible' in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 160].

    Makadai Abui: nukˈu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#62). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: nuk 'one' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#62)].

    Distinct from sˈeːraŋ 'people, clan, tribe' [Kratochvíl 2007: 491], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 114].

    A second candidate is meŋ, glossed as 'person' in [Baird 2008: 210], but its Indonesian gloss 'tukang' points to a more specific meaning.

    Makadai Abui: ʔanˈuy Stokhof 1975: 54 (#52). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: anor 'rain' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#52)].

    Makadai Abui: kˈik-a Stokhof 1975: 54 (#104) (as kˈiikɑ). The same term.

    In [Nicolspeyer 1940: 157] a complex form araŋnabake 'red' is quoted, where the verb ar-a-ŋ 'to glow' (← ar 'to burn' q.v.) can be singled out.

    Paneia Klon: reduplicated stem kǝ-kik 'red' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#104)].

    Makadai Abui: lˈak-e Stokhof 1975: 54 (#103) (as lˈɑqɛ 'path'). A different term. Cf. the paronymous verb lˈak-i 'to go' q.v.

    In [DuBois 1944: 564 (#2)] and [Nicolspeyer 1940: 174] an unclear word safoka 'path' (Dutch 'pad') is quoted. The word for 'road' is surprisingly absent from [DuBois 1938/1987: 93 (#959)].

    Paneia Klon: lam, quoted in the slot 'path' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#103)]. Corresponds to the Bring Klon verb lam 'to walk' [Baird 2008: 208].

    Makadai Abui: ʔay Stokhof 1975: 54 (#105). The same term.

    Cf. also alˈikaŋ 'root', quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53] as a synonym of ay.

    Paneia Klon: torüip and arik are quoted as synonyms in the slot 'root' in [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#105)].

    Makadai Abui: tidˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#106). A different term, lacking obvious cognates in other dialects.

    Cf. also mok 'soil, sand' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 170].

    Paneia Klon: alat 'sand' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#106)].

    Distinct from taŋ-ˈa 'to speak, talk; word; speech; language' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 495]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 122]).

    Distinct from taŋ-a 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)], taŋ-a ~ taŋ-e 'to talk with each other, chatter; to ask' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176] and tut-iŋ 'to speak' [DuBois 1938/1987: 95 (#1202)].

    There are two frequent verbs with the meaning 'to say (Indonesian: bilang)' in Bring Klon. They seem to be complete synonyms: huh ~ huih [Baird 2008: 202] and a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ [Baird 2008: 187] (initial u= is the common valence increasing prefix; the variant a=baŋ is harmonized).

    These verbs can be used in the same passage in parallel constructions, e.g., "Then crying using their Malay the angels said (abaŋ): '...'. Then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'. The ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113].

    Elsewhere, these two can stay in juxtaposition, functioning as a single predicate, e.g., "so they said (huh abaŋ): 'We'll go first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Pabgei above Lukbal said (abaŋ), told (huih) saying (abaŋ): 'Ah me here, all the Kui say (huih abaŋ) I'm full of scabies'" [Baird 2008: 141].

    Despite the fact that in [Baird 2008: 4], a=baŋ is mentioned as the basic Bring verb for 'to say', browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that huh ~ huih 'to say' is actually much more frequent than a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ in the synchronic language. Apparently a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ is in the state of gradually becoming obsolete, superseded by huh ~ huih as the neutral verb for 'to say'.

    The following examples for a=baŋ ~ u=baŋ can be listed: "Ask your brother-in-law saying (abaŋ) that in seven days time you descend to the market" [Baird 2008: 61], "So she said (abaŋ): 'It's true ...'" [Baird 2008: 69], "Then crying using their Malay (the angels) said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "I show you saying (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 96], "he would say (abaŋ) again we would die from it" [Baird 2008: 97], "the ruler's guards said (abaŋ): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "what did grandmother say (abaŋ)?" [Baird 2008: 130], "They said (abaŋ): 'I walked until I found ...'" [Baird 2008: 148].

    Examples for huh ~ huih are much more numerous: "I say (huh) the above so that affinal and cosanguinal kin, you children of now come" [Baird 2008: 51], "he said (huh): 'Ask your brother-in-law...'" [Baird 2008: 61], "then he said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "then Keterina said (huh) from below in her Klon: '...'" [Baird 2008: 80], "Then Buwembui said: '...'" [Baird 2008: 84], "He said (huh): 'I say (huh), I have one thing to say (huh) to you first'" [Baird 2008: 98], "So they said (huih): '...'" [Baird 2008: 106], "So the ruler said (huh): '...'" [Baird 2008: 113], "I said again (huh): 'Ah is that true or not Mum?'" [Baird 2008: 125], "I've just said (huh) a little" [Baird 2008: 131], "It's the history of Peteben that I'm talking about (huh) so listen" [Baird 2008: 133], "don't just search for this thing that we're talking about (huh) until ..." [Baird 2008: 134], "so they told (huh) them" [Baird 2008: 138], "Then he said (huih): 'Old Labegai you come and you take the heads of your corpses'" [Baird 2008: 158], "So they said (huh): 'No problem'" [Baird 2008: 161], "they said (huh): 'Blind eyes, will you climb it?'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he said (huh): 'And that's good, not a lot'" [Baird 2008: 171], "he further said (huh): 'So one or two fruits is good'" [Baird 2008: 171], "Deafy sat above, saying (huh): 'More first'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh) to each other: 'Just now I said (huh) 'don't!', said (huh) like that, you took (them), so that's that'" [Baird 2008: 172], "they said (huh): 'Then Koimo you go I will watch the eel'" [Baird 2008: 175], "So he said (huh): 'Oh this is good stuff'" [Baird 2008: 176], "the next day they went out and about, and told (huh) people about it" [Baird 2008: 179], "So they said (huh): 'Hey those, kill them first'" [Baird 2008: 182], "Then they said (huh): 'Should we finish you off?'" [Baird 2008: 183], "So they said (huh): 'Our strength is secret'" [Baird 2008: 185].

    Additionally, huh ~ huih can be used in the meaning 'to talk' or 'to speak': "Talk (huh) about Probur's" [Baird 2008: 93], "they spoke (huh) foreigner (language) so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "so run, don't talk (huh), but run" [Baird 2008: 114], "The thing they discussed (huh), blindy and deafy" [Baird 2008: 171], "So blindy and deafy talked (huh)" [Baird 2008: 172], "A long time ago, elders say (huh), below at Alauta there were two people there" [Baird 2008: 173], "I've been talking (huh) about a war from long ago" [Baird 2008: 186].

    Cf. some additional verbs, which are also glossed as 'to say' by Baird: diʔiri 'to think / to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to agree' [Baird 2008: 193], tǝra ~ tǝrah 'to say (Indonesian: bilang) / to think / to suspect' [Baird 2008: 223].

    Distinct from buser 'to speak (Indonesian: berbicara)' [Baird 2008: 192], uːh 'to talk (Indonesian: omong)' [Baird 2008: 223].

    Paneia Klon: bam, mentioned as the basic Paneia verb for 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 4], although in [Baird 2008: 228], bam is glossed as 'to talk (Indonesian: omong)'. The second Paneia verbum dicendi is hui (a cognate of Bring huh ~ huih), glossed as 'to say' in [Baird 2008: 228], although its Indonesian gloss 'omong' suggests a meaning like 'to talk'.

    Makadai Abui: iyˈen-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#107, 115, 116). The same term. Cf. the paronymous noun 'eye' q.v.

    In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#107)] two synonyms are given for Eng. 'to see': lˈal and iyˈen-i, but in the examples only the second one is used: "I see the snake" [(#115)], "the snake sees me" [(#116)].

    A third candidate could be an unclear rey, rey-s-e, rey-s-i 'to see' quoted in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 173].

    There are two verbs glossed as 'to see (Indonesian: melihat)' in [Baird 2008: 195, 225]: el and uːr. Apparently, they are close synonyms, both with polysemy: 'to see / to look / to watch'. Nevertheless, only uːr is quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 48], and browsing through [Baird 2008] demonstrates that it is more common than el.

    The following examples for uːr 'see' have been found: "You saw me, then you laughed" [Baird 2008: 36], "see him" [Baird 2008: 73], "then she saw the basket was full of faeces" [Baird 2008: 102], "We see ourselves" [Baird 2008: 105], "It saw us and I shook" [Baird 2008: 156], "We both have to see this medicine" [Baird 2008: 177], "We really see it's terrible" [Baird 2008: 182], "the enemy saw them" [Baird 2008: 182], "It looked like when you strike a rock" [Baird 2008: 182], "they saw their hamlet was burning" [Baird 2008: 184], "I see the snake" [Stokhof 1975: 48], "the snake sees me" [Stokhof 1975: 48].

    Also for uːr in the meaning 'to look, watch': "I still stood, then the deer looked at me" [Baird 2008: 110], "they spoke foreigner language so he watched them" [Baird 2008: 111], "Before that we shall watch this dog" [Baird 2008: 176].

    The amount of available examples for el is more modest: "Joni came and (Joni) saw Peter" [Baird 2008: 37], "those two see (i.e., meet) us first" [Baird 2008: 61], "you go, I will watch the eel" [Baird 2008: 175].

    Paneia Klon: ur 'to see' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#107, 115, 116)].

    Cf. also the term batˈa ~ batˈà 'core, seed' (of a fruit etc.) ([Kratochvíl 2007: 453]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 36]).

    Cf. also the word aŋ 'seeds (Indonesian: bibit)' [Baird 2008: 189], whose exact meaning is unclear.

    Makadai Abui: mit Stokhof 1975: 54 (#59). The same term.

    Cf. the more generic verb buin 'to exist, place, sit' [Baird 2008: 192].

    Paneia Klon: mih 'to sit' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#59)].

    Another candidate is foh-ˈu 'peel, skin, sheel' (← fˈoy / fˈoh 'to peel') which can sometimes be applied to a human (an example: "pouches under eyes", lit.: 'skin of the eyes') [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 53], but we prefer to exclude it from the list.

    Cf. the inherited terms kˈay 'tree bark / fruit peel' [Kratochvíl 2007: 466; Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 63, 199], kˈuy 'to peel, take off skin' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 72].

    Makadai Abui: kˈul Stokhof 1975: 54 (#29). The same loanword.

    In [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#29)], 'skin' is translated as pˈosiŋ, whereas the common term is attested in wˈa-kˈuli 'lip' [Stokhof 1975: 53 (#13)], lit. 'mouth's skin'.

    However, in [Stokhof 1975: 48 (#29)], an Indonesian loanword is quoted in the slot 'skin': kwilʔ (sic!). Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

    The second inherited word for 'skin' is ʔeh, which is also glossed as 'skin (Indonesian: kulit)' in [Baird 2008: 219]. The difference between kui and ʔeh is not documented, but, since ʔeh is not quoted in [Stokhof 1975], we prefer not to include it in our list.

    Distinct from the more specific hǝloŋ, glossed as 'skin' in [Baird 2008: 201]; its Indonesian gloss 'kulit luar' suggests the translation 'epidermis'.

    Paneia Klon: kul 'skin' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#29)]. Borrowed from Indonesian kulit 'skin'.

    Makadai Abui: ta Stokhof 1975: 54 (#60). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ta 'to sleep' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#60)].

    A second candidate is ʔamˈek / ʔamˈet 'to be(come) small, little' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 450]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 28]), which is apparently less frequent and less neutral; cf. the attested examples: "one toy [lit.: 'small'] car drove out (pushed itself) and left" [Kratochvíl 2007: 304], "small pieces of iron, they also took them to make arrows for people, knifes and machetes" [Kratochvíl 2007: 423].

    A third candidate is minak- 'to be small, be tiny' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 478]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88]) which also seems to be infrequent and hints at a more specific semantics, cf. the attested examples: "his small intestine", "small crocodile (about small children that like to eat a lot)" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 88].

    Cf. the quantifier kabˈey 'little, few, a bit' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 466], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 62]), opposed to farˈiŋ 'many' q.v., with the following examples: "we are going to shoot at something small" [Kratochvíl 2007: 288]; "give me some water!" [Kratochvíl 2007: 100]; "Fani, father will first take a piece [lit.: 'a little'] of banana, when it is so, you go on" [Kratochvíl 2007: 108]; "that fish from earlier on (I talked about before), it is actually a bit smelly" [Kratochvíl 2007: 115]; "look at that little banana (trunk)" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123]; "you go and search for the fish a little bit" [Kratochvíl 2007: 123], etc.

    Cf. also fil-ˈa 'young, small, requiring care' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 462]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 52]).

    Makadai Abui: kǝdˈiŋ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#108). The same term.

    Cf. also kabei [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165], kabi [DuBois 1938/1987: 97 (#1340)] 'few, a little'.

    There is a number of Bring Klon adjectives glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008]. All of them are poorly exemplified, so it is impossible to make a choice. We treat kekein and mǝnaːk as synonyms, because each of them is illustrated by two reliable examples: "One of the posts of the storehouse is small (kekein) (i.e., smaller than the others)" [Baird 2008: 57], "we have small (kekein) stomachs, we couldn't finish eating it" [Baird 2008: 171], "we make firewood from all the small (mǝnaːk) branches" [Baird 2008: 40], "he chewed a small (mǝnaːk) type of chilli and spat it in his eyes" [Baird 2008: 147]. It should be noted that kekein is quoted as a basic term for 'small' in [Stokhof 1975].

    A third candidate is kǝnis ~ kǝnit [Baird 2008: 207] with the only example "bring the machete so that we can cut this small (kǝnis) branch" [Baird 2008: 83].

    The word kǝdiŋ, glossed as 'small (Indonesian: kecil)' in [Baird 2008: 205], shows only the meaning 'a little bit': "they couldn't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 183], "you can't sleep, not even a little bit (kǝdiŋ)" [Baird 2008: 184].

    No examples have been found for eleb 'small' [Baird 2008: 195].

    Distinct from waŋ 'middle-sized, small' [Baird 2008: 14, 226].

    Distinct from the specific expressions for 'a few, a little, a little bit (Indonesian: sedikit)': tuaŋ [Baird 2008: 224], ipit [Baird 2008: 204].

    Paneia Klon: kikenit 'small' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#108)].

    Makadai Abui: tˈika Stokhof 1975: 54 (#109). The same term.

    Cf. also foŋ 'smoke', quoted in [Stokhof 1975: 53] as a synonym of tikˈa.

    Distinct from daːp [Baird 2008: 192], glossed as 'smoke', but the Indonesian gloss 'isap' suggests the specific verbal meaning 'to inhale and exhale smoke'.

    Paneia Klon: bon 'smoke' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#109)].

    Makadai Abui: nat-ˈe Stokhof 1975: 54 (#110). The same term.

    Distinct from the more specific verbs ihih 'to stand up, get up' [Baird 2008: 55, 203], dob 'to stand up / straight' [Baird 2008: 193].

    Paneia Klon: matih 'to stand' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#110)].

    Makadai Abui: fˈer-iʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#111). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ib 'star' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#111)].

    Makadai Abui: wi Stokhof 1975: 54 (#55) (as wii). The same term.

    Abui Fanating: wˈì [Kratochvíl 2007: 61]. The same term.

    Cf. also yah 'stone' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165] (transcribed as jaug); according to Nicolspeyer's texts, the exact translation of yah is rather 'big stone, rock', cf., e.g., "When they returned to fight, Lomai was sleeping under a rock" [Nicolspeyer 1940: 107, 144].

    Distinct from pǝlek, which is also glossed as 'stone (Indonesian: batu)' in [Baird 2008: 218], but without textual examples.

    Paneia Klon: wer 'stone' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#55)].

    Makadai Abui: wˈar ~ wˈar-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#50) (as ŭwˈær ~ ŭwˈɑri). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: wed 'sun' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#50)]. Distinct from gi 'day' [Baird 2008: 228].

    A second candidate is gɔr, attested as 'tail' at least in application to eels [Baird 2008: 175]. In the glossary section, however, gɔr is translated as 'end of hamlet' [Baird 2008: 199]; this suggests that the main meaning of gɔr is 'end, edge, tip'. There is also a compound gɔr-kei (the second element is unclear), glossed as 'tail' in [Baird 2008: 17, 199], although its Indonesian gloss 'ekor panjang tajam' points to something like 'long sharp tail'.

    As outlined in [Kratochvíl 2007: 110 ff.], Abui Takalelang deictic demonstratives vary on three axes: horizontal parameter (proximal, medial, distal), vertical parameter (low, neutral, high), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). In their turn, anaphoric demonstratives vary on two axes: spatial/discourse location (proximal-definite, medial-definite, distal-indefinite), viewpoint (speaker oriented, addressee oriented). It is not easy to put such a system into the "Procrustean" Swadesh mould.

    First, we exclude forms that differ by the vertical parameter: ò 'that (far below)', ó 'that (far high)', wò 'that (far away below)', wó 'that (far away high)'.

    Second, we reject addressee-oriented demonstratives, because the basic lexicon per se is not only anthropocentric, but eventually egocentric. That is, the following forms are excluded: to 'this (near you)', yo 'that (far from you)'

    Thus, we prefer to use the following Abui Atimelang form for Swadesh 'this': do 'this (near me)'; and the following Abui Atimelang forms for Swadesh 'that': o 'that (far from me)', oro 'that (far away from us)'.

    In addition to this, two anaphoric pronouns (o ~ wo, yo) are also used. In the light of this fact, it is likely that the aforementioned horizontal demonstratives are actually recent compounds of these deictic o ~ wo & yo plus the meaningful elements ŋ (proximal) and p (distal), i.e.:

    1) proximal 'this' o=ŋ, yo=ŋ, o=ŋ-o, yo=ŋ-o;

    2) distal 'that' o=p, yo=p, o=p-o, yo=p-o, p-o.

    Distinct from the demonstrative pronouns of the vertical axis, which, likewise, represent compounds of various deictic morphemes [Baird 2008: 61]:

    1) 'above' series ta, ta-le, ta-ŋ, a-ta-l;

    2) 'below' series ya, la-le, ta-po, po-wo.

    Makadai Abui: lˈifi-l Stokhof 1975: 54 (#17). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: leːb 'tongue' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#17)].

    Makadai Abui: wˈet-i ~ wˈet Stokhof 1975: 54 (#18). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: wih 'tooth' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#18)].

    Another candidate is ʔiyˈa ([Kratochvíl 2007: 465]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60, 248]) 'trunk / tree', but the only example found is "coconut tree" [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 60]. Occasionally glossed as 'tree stem, trunk' in [Kratochvíl 2007: 59].

    Makadai Abui: batˈaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#44). The same term. A translation of the English entry 'tree/wood'.

    In [DuBois 1938/1987: 91 (#734, 735)] 'wood (timber)' is translated as bata, whereas 'tree' is glossed as bata ya (probably a compound contraction < bata iya). In her turn, Nicolspeyer translates iya as 'trunk of a tree' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 165] and tey as 'wood (forest); tree' [Nicolspeyer 1940: 176].

    Stokhof's iyˈer-i (if it is segmentable as iyˈe-r-i) can contain the same root iya.

    Distinct from bok [Baird 2008: 191], attested in specific trees names: tomlir bok 'tomlir-tree' [Baird 2008: 99], ata bok 'coconut tree' [Baird 2008: 189], 'kapok tree' [Baird 2008: 59].

    Distinct from yar ~ yaːr 'trunk (Indonesian: batang pohon)' [Baird 2008: 64, 227]; it also serves as a noun classifier 'trees' [Baird 2008: 64]. Cf. the discovered examples: "So all those people who go shooting use the kapok tree as a hunting hide and they sit there" [Baird 2008: 84], "Her hair fell down (below) the kapok tree" [Baird 2008: 120].

    Paneia Klon: atey, quoted in the slot 'tree / wood' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#44)].

    Makadai Abui: ayokˈu Stokhof 1975: 54 (#63). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: ǝrak 'two' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#63)].

    Cf. also a more specific verb lˈol 'to walk, wander' [Kratochvíl 2007: 474], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 79].

    Makadai Abui: lˈak-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#91). A different term, corresponding to Abui Takalelang lˈàk 'to leave for (towards a deictic centre)', Abui Atimelang lak ~ lak-e '(verb of motion)' (see notes on 'come').

    Cf. some examples for agai 'to go': "Miss Keterina come up so that we go!" [Baird 2008: 68], "until they went over there to the male elders" [Baird 2008: 88], "It was (= it went to) garden-clearing season" [Baird 2008: 55], "the ruler ordered his guards to go to Keterina" [Baird 2008: 113], "I can go and help them" [Baird 2008: 139], "go to the market and buy fish" [Baird 2008: 140]. Actually, agai is a very common word in Bring Klon: it has been grammaticalized as a perfective exponent [Baird 2008: 114] and as the adverb 'until', and it is also the default verb in directional serial verb constructions [Baird 2008: 145].

    Cf. some examples for waː 'to go': "No, they didn't go" [Baird 2008: 31], "So the younger brother went, ah the lemon thorns stabbed him here and stabbed him there" [Baird 2008: 72], "Go and get that jumping ball and bring it" [Baird 2008: 121], "Pransina went and hit her three times" [Baird 2008: 162], "then they went to the source of the river" [Baird 2008: 174], "Those two went in close to them, they went and cut straight" [Baird 2008: 183].

    We treat agai and waː as synonyms.

    There is a number of additional verbs, glossed as 'to go (Indonesian: pergi)' in [Baird 2008], but without good examples: ip [Baird 2008: 204], rap [Baird 2008: 219], tawaː [Baird 2008: 220].

    Distinct from the more specific verbs aːp 'to step, go' [Baird 2008: 190] and lam 'to walk' [Baird 2008: 208], cf., e.g., "So we walked (lam), we went reaching (the place of the fallen trees)" [Baird 2008: 34].

    Paneia Klon: agai 'to go' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#91)].

    Makadai Abui: lˈilaʔ Stokhof 1975: 54 (#112). The same term.

    There are two words glossed as 'hot (Indonesian: panas)' in [Baird 2008: 202, 224]: hǝrak and tut; out of them, only tut is quoted in [Stokhof 1975] (for the slot 'warm'). Cf. the discovered example for tut: "to cook, to boil water, to heat (tut) water, we eat and drink' [Baird 2008: 41].

    The exact meaning of hǝrak is unclear, in the available examples hǝrak is only applied to humans: "he is hot" [Baird 2008: 76], "The sun heats (hǝrak) me up" [Baird 2008: 76], "The fire makes me (unbearably) hot (hǝrak)" [Baird 2008: 76].

    Paneia Klon: harak 'warm' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#112)].

    Makadai Abui: ya Stokhof 1975: 54 (#34). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: yar 'water' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#34)].

    There is also a specific dual actor form: nǝgǝ-le 'we two (excl.)' [Baird 2008: 76].

    There is also a specific dual actor form pǝ-le 'we two (incl.)' [Baird 2008: 76].

    Makadai Abui: kˈul-i Stokhof 1975: 54 (#113). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: aʔayal 'white' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#113)].

    Makadai Abui: mayˈol Stokhof 1975: 54 (#32). The same term.

    In fact, there are two nouns glossed as 'woman (Indonesian: perempuan)' in [Baird 2008: 216, 217]: o-kǝneʔ 'wowan' and oːl 'woman / wife'. In [Stokhof 1975], only o-kǝneʔ is quoted for the slot 'woman'; on the contrary, in [Baird 2008: 64], oːl is discussed as the generic term for 'woman'.

    Cf. the attested examples: "One large woman (oːl) is very well dressed and maybe going out" [Baird 2008: 118], "the woman (oːl) didn't want ..." [Baird 2008: 121], "The ruler called them, so the women (okǝneʔ) came" [Baird 2008: 80].

    We are forced to treat o-kǝneʔ and oːl as synonyms.

    Paneia Klon: anim-ar, quoted in the slot 'woman / female' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#32)]. A compound, whose first element is also attested in anim-oh 'man' q.v.

    Dictionaries quote two words for 'yellow' without any specifications:

    1) mea-kilˈay 'to be yellow, have the colour of ripe mango' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 477]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 86, 253]) ← mˈea 'mango' + kil-ˈa-y 'to drop off, fall off' (i.e. 'ripe mango ready to fall down'). An example: "tree leaves are yellow".

    2) ʔadˈet 'pumpkin, yellow vegetable / yellow colour, the same colour as a ripe pumpkin' ([Kratochvíl 2007: 447]; [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 22, 253]). An example: "One yellow ball, and a red one".

    Both expressions are apparently innovative. We treat them as synonyms.

    Paneia Klon: ponah 'far (Indonesian: jauh)' [Baird 2008: 228]. This word is also attested in Bring Klon in the following example: "they were hungry and thirsty, they had walked a long way (ponah)" [Baird 2008: 171].

    Other candidates are dale 'close (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 192] with two dubious examples "Their backs face Y, their backs are over there close to (dale) Y's house" [Baird 2008: 92], "The mug is on the left (i.e., close to the left side; dale)" [Baird 2008: 130]; dan 'close (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 192]; tǝdiŋ 'parallel / close by (Indonesian: dekat)' [Baird 2008: 221].

    Note that in [Nicolspeyer 1940: 162] quite a different term for 'salt' is quoted: fut.

    A second candidate is ur, reduplicated u-ʔur ~ u-ur 'short (Indonesian: pendek)' [Baird 2008: 225] with the example "This they finish cutting then they clean it, all this hasn't been cut yet, it's still short (u-ur)" [Baird 2008: 116]. We are forced to treat tuk and ur as synonyms.

    Makadai Abui: mon Stokhof 1975: 54 (#115-117). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: mun 'snake' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#115-117)].

    Cf. also the verb =fˈol / fˈor 'to make thin' [Kratochvíl 2007: 246], 'to separate, thin plane, shave, hack off, cut away' [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 54, 55].

    Makadai Abui: timˈoy Stokhof 1975: 54 (#114). The same term.

    Paneia Klon: namayr 'wind' [Stokhof 1975: 49 (#114)].

    Cf. bˈu [Kratochvíl 2007: 456], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 40, 252], glossed as 'worm', Indonesian 'ulat kayu', i.e. 'tree worm'.

    Cf. kirˈeŋ kilˈay 'flatworm' [Kratochvíl 2007: 470], [Kratochvíl & Delpada 2008: 70], the meaning of the elements is unclear, see notes on Abui Atimelang glin glay 'worm'.